The Conservative party is suffering from ‘long Boris’

Are sleaze scandals and lax standards undermining your platform of “professionalism”? Are your MPs depressed and anxious about their long-term futures? Is the feeling of forthcoming electoral annihilation leaving said MPs myopic about a predecessor’s indiscretions? The symptoms, I’m afraid, amount to a malignant case of “long Boris”.

The thinking behind “long Boris” — a recent addition to the Westminster vernacular — is pretty simple. Seven months on from Johnson’s defenestration, it is a term coined to capture the lingering effects of the former prime minister in Conservative politics and the culture of governance in Whitehall.

Proponents of the “long Boris” theory say it explains the current impasse in British politics, as problems which became so endemic during Johnson’s time in Downing Street continue to thwart Rishi Sunak’s political prospects. Certainly, the recent slew of sleaze scandals create the sense of a prime minister under siege, struggling to deal with the debilitating implications of Johnson’s flexible approach on standards.

On Sunday, the report from the government’s independent ethics adviser concluded that Nadhim Zahawi had “shown insufficient regard for the General Principles of the Ministerial Code” over his tax affairs. Rishi Sunak received the information at 7.00 am and not two hours later was Zahawi officially jettisoned. It was an attempt to seem decisive and purposeful, but the move failed to silence critics who riposted: “too little, too late”. 

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The leading anti-assisted dying group Christian Action, Research and Education (CARE) used Christian reasoning to get its supporters to write to their MPs – but then omitted any Christian language at all from the default email that it got them to send. While recognising that it is essential that all sides are heard in the assisted dying debate, Humanists UK has urged religious groups to be honest about their motives for opposing assisted dying. CARE hosts on its website a ‘write to your MP’ tool that provides a default message that people can use to write to their MP asking them to oppose assisted dying. MPs Humanists UK has spoken to have reported receiving many emails from people using CARE’s tool. The default text doesn’t mention religion at all but gives as the constituent’s reasons for writing, ‘concern about the very rushed time frame’, inadequate ‘safeguards’, ‘coercive control’, and ‘feeling like a burden on others’. This stands in contrast to the emails that CARE has sent to its list to advertise the tool. The first, on 7 October, said: ‘As Christians, we have a high view of human life, made in God’s image. We are called to emulate our Saviour’s concern for the vulnerable, downtrodden, and powerless in society, opposing actions that will harm our neighbours. And we are equipped to articulate a better story: full of Gospel hope. The Spirit can help us to do this in love, speaking with grace and truth. … ‘I trust that you’ll join us in prayer about this issue, asking for God’s mercy on our nation, and powerful intervention. Whatever the outcome, we trust in Him. “Trust in Him at all times, you people; pour out your hearts to Him, for God is our refuge” (Psalm 62:8).’ A second, on 16 October, started and then finished: ‘Throughout history, the Church has strongly opposed assisted suicide and euthanasia. God’s word teaches us that human beings, made in God’s image, are to be protected and cherished. … ‘I trust that you’ll join us in prayer about this issue, asking for God’s mercy and powerful intervention. With Him all things are possible.’ The linked-to webpage from which people then write to their MP says ‘Please remember to: …Speak the truth in love. (cf. Eph 4:15).’ On Sunday the Observer published an investigation alleging that ‘grassroots’ campaigns opposed to assisted dying are in fact coordinated and financed by conservative Christian pressure groups. Humanists UK also published its own research into some religious groups’ influence in the assisted dying debate. That includes religious groups funding ostensibly secular groups, and using disability groups as a front for unstated religious views. At a Christian Medical Fellowship event, a speaker boasted that for a disability rally against assisted dying, Christian Concern ‘provided the financial support, made the placards, came along, got the disabled people along, and were completely invisible in doing it.’ Humanists UK Chief Executive Andrew Copson commented: ‘It’s clear that CARE’s religious beliefs are a motivating factor in its opposition to assisted dying. And this is a perfectly legitimate motivation to have. But the fact that it is using religious reasons to get people to write to MPs, without mentioning religion in their letters, is concerning. People should be up front about the reasons they are advocating for a certain outcome so that MPs can have all the information before forming their own views.’

Zahawi became the latest in a long line of Conservative parliamentarians to succumb to allegations of “sleaze” — following a path already trodden by Chris Pincher, Owen Paterson and Gavin Williamson. The drip-drip of the Zahawi scandal, whereby reported wrongdoing was first denied and defended before being deemed worthy of the sack, cast minds back to the ailing months of Johnson’s administration.

On the surface at least, the Zahawi affair seems to be an open-and-shut case of “long Boris”. Zahawi’s appointment as chancellor was one of the final acts of Johnson’s ailing premiership. It was a decision which placed the YouGov co-founder in ultimate control of HMRC, while, reports suggest, its officials probed his finances. Of course, we do not know for sure what Johnson knew of these matters, but the former prime minister’s flexible approach to standards, coupled with the fact that the then-PM was facing political oblivion, could suggest that he was not quite as rigorous as he could have been on Zahawi’s financial foibles. Now, it seems, Rishi Sunak is reaping the political consequences. 

Johnson’s central role in the Zahawi story, at the same time the former PM was facing questions surrounding his own finances in a story implicating the chair of the BBC, shows how “long Boris” can cloud the political landscape. It has sucked any political momentum Sunak might have mustered since October, reopening old wounds in his party and the country. 

It is a particular problem for Sunak, who sold himself to the public last October as the sleaze-buster-in-chief. Upon first entering No 10, Sunak promised to sweep up everything that had gone wrong under Johnson with a new administration headlined by “integrity, professionalism and accountability”. But as the Zahawi affair underlines anew, Sunak has so far been able to catalyse a refreshed and renewed approach to government.

It is worth noting, however, that Johnson’s legacy cannot merely be confined to “sleaze” and the practical implications of his lax approach to standards. The politics here are more complicated and, potentially, even more debilitating. 

For in 2019, Sunak was elected like the rest of his parliamentary party as part of a Conservative majority won by Johnson. And although many MPs regret how events played out after the 2019 election, there is no disguising that the Conservative party was elected on an unmistakably Johnsonite platform, with a mandate conditioned specifically to the appeal of the then-prime minister.

The problem for Sunak is that Johnson’s populism is not so easily buried. For the former PM’s political instincts appear to have sucked Conservative politics into a policy vacuum, just as difficult to escape as any moral one. We saw this play out in real-time during Sunak’s tour of the country to announce new levelling up funding. 

Levelling up was Johnsonianism distilled: a catchy slogan, a few billion quid and a monument to point to at the end of it all. It was central to his political brand, encapsulating the stated concern with spreading opportunity across the country and Britain’s high hopes for societal betterment post-Brexit. Rishi Sunak, on the other hand, still has his heart and his head in the treasury. Whereas Boris Johnson never saw a spending commitment he didn’t like, our current prime minister likes to be seen realist, telling “hard truths”. The harder the truth for the current PM – be it on strikes or the economy – the better.

So “long Boris” is not an easily remediable disorder. In terms of both policy and standards, Johnson’s problematic legacy is exacting a heavy toll. And with Johnson preparing for a series of public clashes with privileges committee, who are investigating whether he lied to MPs about the “partygate” affair, the corrosive spectre of Sunak’s former boss looks set to loom larger still. 

Politically, Johnson’s appearance before the privileges committee will remind the public that Sunak, too, was accosted with a “partygate” fine. It seems that wherever the political winds blow, Sunak is destined to be haunted by his predecessor, cursed forevermore by his political and moral missteps.